WS>>Targeted for Destruction

carl william spitzer iv cwsiv_2nd at JUNO.COM
Mon May 19 16:22:03 MDT 2003

     Vol. 12, No. 06
     March 18, 1996
                          by John F. McManus

           Pat  Buchanan's  campaign has raised the  ire  of  the

          When I raise my hand to take that oath of  office,
          [the]  new  world order comes crashing  down.    -
          Patrick Buchanan

          In  a speech following his dramatic victory in the  New
     Hampshire  primary, presidential candidate Patrick  Buchanan
     warned  his  followers, "We no longer have  the  element  of
     surprise.... They're going to come after this campaign  with
     everything they've got." Within hours, "they" - the  politi-
     cal  Establishment which Buchanan has rebuked so  forcefully
     in his campaign - lit into the candidate with a vengeance.

          Before  the  echo of Buchanan's words  had  faded,  the
     political  Establishment,  and its controlled media  in  the
     U.S.  and abroad, took up the chorus of  defamation  against
     Buchanan  and his supporters. Prominent among  the  defamers
     were  members  of Buchanan's own Republican  Party.  Retired
     General Colin Powell, a Beltway veteran who did not become a
     Republican until last fall, was sought out by a media hungry
     for  "responsible" Republican reactions to  Buchanan's  vic-
     tory. Powell performed on cue, accusing Buchanan of  wanting
     to  "pull  up the drawbridge" and cut America off  from  the

          "Conservative" Jack Kemp dismissed Buchanan's  victory,
     claiming that it "was based on fear." "Conservative"  activ-
     ist William Bennett urged Republicans to fight "Buchananism"
     by  throwing their support behind former Tennessee  Governor
     Lamar  Alexander. New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani,  who  had
     supported  Democrat  Mario Cuomo in the  gubernatorial  race
     against  Republican George Pataki, also condemned  Buchanan,
     contending  that some of his writings as a journalist  "sug-
     gest  the possibility that he's anti-Semitic." Rabbi  Yehuda
     Levin, an advisor to the Buchanan campaign, obviously  holds
     a different view of the candidate.

          Similar charges were offered by Senate Majority  Leader
     Bob  Dole,  the GOP Establishment's  preferred  presidential
     candidate, who accused Buchanan of speaking in "code  words"
     which convey racist and anti-Semitic messages. His  campaign
     against Buchanan, Dole declared, was now a battle of  "main-
     stream  versus  extreme." "We're not off on a  fringe  some-
     where.  We're not going to take the Republican Party over  a
     cliff," Dole later told an audience in South Dakota.

          Smears  against Buchanan also filled the pages  of  the
     foreign  press.  Mexico's El Pais wrote  of  Buchanan,  "His
     declarations  are always tinged with  machismo,  homophobia,
     racism,  and anti-Semitism." One German newspaper  described
     Buchanan  as  an  American equivalent  of  Russian  militant
     Vladimir Zhirinovsky; another insisted that he "speaks  like
     an American Mussolini." The Edinburgh Gazette headlined  its
     account  of the New Hampshire Victory "Heil Buchanan!"  Lon-
     don's Guardian wrote that Buchanan's "chauvinist,  reaction-
     ary  and bigoted message is profoundly disturbing."  Perhaps
     the  most  amazing story came from a Russian  wire  service,
     which  received a news release allegedly written  by  Zhiri-
     novsky congratulating Buchanan on his victory and describing
     him  as  a "comrade and  brother-in-arms."  Numerous  "news"
     stories cited this dubious Russian dispatch in their indict-
     ment of Buchanan as a hateful "extremist."

          Early Attack

          But  the  orchestrated campaign of  defamation  against
     Buchanan  began  before his victory in New  Hampshire.  Just
     days before the primary, a report issued by a liberal  lobby
     calling  itself  the "Center for Public  Integrity"  accused
     Larry Pratt, a co-chair of Buchanan's campaign, of  consort-
     ing with white supremacist and neo-Nazi groups.  While it is
     true that such disreputable individuals have attended events
     at which Pratt has spoken, Myrna Shinbaum of the  Anti-Defa-
     mation  League admitted to the press that  her  organization
     has  no  record of Pratt expressing anti-Semitic  or  racist
     views.   Pratt was placed on leave, and the  opinion  cartel
     used its self-generated controversy as an excuse to  revisit
     slurs  of racism and anti-Semitism which had been thrown  at
     Buchanan during his 1992 campaign.

          On four successive days leading up to the February 20th
     shoot-out in New Hampshire, the New York Times used its main
     editorial  space to label Buchanan a "red-meat orator,"  who
     exudes  "a certain reek of testosterone," has "a  swaggering
     presence,"   offers   "simplistic,   but   highly    emotive
     harangues,"  can be counted on for "xenophobic  views,"  and
     whose  criticism  of the Gulf War "was widely judged  to  be
     filled with anti-Semitic innuendo." William Safire, a syndi-
     cated  columnist  for the Times who describes himself  as  a
     "conservative,"  repeated without objection  the  sophomoric
     slur  that Buchanan's speech at the 1992 Republican  conven-
     tion "sounded better in the original German."

          Interspersed among all these smears, the New York Times
     managed to present accurately some of Buchanan's  positions.
     While  many  Americans who heard these  views  nodded  their
     heads in agreement, the Times' labeled them  "overwhelmingly
     negative," noting:

          [Buchanan]  is  against the United  Nations  and  NATO,
     against  free-trade  agreements,  against  foreign  aid  and
     against American support for Israel. He would not have  sent
     American  troops  to Bosnia just as he would not  have  sent
     them  to the Persian Gulf five years ago. He has little  use
     for arms control treaties....

          Millions of Americans, including those who do not agree
     with  every  particular in Buchanan's  platform,  share  his
     opposition to foreign aid and the attack on American  sover-
     eignty, and would gravitate toward a candidate who forceful-
     ly  expresses those views. This is why the preferred  tactic
     of  Buchanan's critics is to keep people talking  about  the
     spurious  accusations against the candidate as if they  were
     established facts, rather than discussing his indictment  of
     the Establishment and its policies.

          Identifying the Foe

          Who and what is this Establishment? Syndicated  column-
     ist  Edith Kermit Roosevelt - a granddaughter of Teddy  Roo-
     sevelt - accurately answered the question in one of her 1961

          The  word  "Establishment" is a general  term  for  the
     power elite in international finance, business, the  profes-
     sions and government, largely from the northeast, who  wield
     most  of the power regardless of who is in the White  House.
     Most people are unaware of the existence of this "legitimate
     Mafia." Yet the power of the Establishment makes itself felt
     from  the  professor who seeks a foundation  grant,  to  the
     candidate  for  a Cabinet post or State Department  job.  It
     affects the nation's policies in almost every area.

          Had Edith Roosevelt chosen to identify the core of this
     "power elite," she could have pinpointed the New  York-based
     Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). Washington Post  ombuds-
     man  Richard Harwood explained in 1993 that the  Council  on
     Foreign Relations is "the closest thing we have to a  ruling
     Establishment in the United States.... [Its members are] the
     people  who, for more than half a century, have managed  our
     international affairs and our military-industrial  complex."
     That  "ruling  Establishment"  includes the  barons  of  the
     media, whom Harwood styled "Ruling Class journalists." These
     CFR  propagandists  use  their positions  and  influence  to
     spread CFR-approved views and attitudes, and to smother  any
     contrary views.

          Ever  since its founding in 1921 by the socialists  and
     internationalists who dominated the Woodrow Wilson  Adminis-
     tration, the CFR's ultimate goal has been the  establishment
     of a "new world order" which would dominate mankind economi-
     cally  through socialism and politically through world  gov-

          While the CFR is the undeniable core of the  Establish-
     ment,  the Insiders rely on other groups and individuals  to
     propel  our  nation into the new world  order.  Among  these
     groups are the World Affairs Council, the Trilateral Commis-
     sion,  the Atlantic Council, the United Nations  Association
     of  the United States, etc. And on the CFR's list  of  3,237
     members (508 of whom are "U.S. Government Officials") can be
     found  such  notables as Bill Clinton,  Warren  Christopher,
     Newt Gingrich, Henry Kissinger, Dan Rather, Tom Brokaw,  and
     a score of senators and congressmen.

          A Devious Technique

          During  the 1970s and early 1980s, banker David  Rocke-
     feller  sat  at  the top of this Insider  power  base.  When
     Rockefeller stepped down as the CFR's chairman in 1985,  the
     Council  tapped  former Nixon  Administration  Secretary  of
     Commerce  Peter G. Peterson, himself a New  York  investment
     banker and a veteran CFR member.

          Peterson  served as a member of the Socialist  Interna-
     tional's  (SI) Brandt Commission from 1977 to 1980. In  1980
     the  Brandt Commission publicly advocated the creation of  a
     host  of  international  controls  including   international
     currency, international regulation of industry, internation-
     al supervision of energy production, etc.  These  socialists
     even called openly for a "new international economic order."
     And they chose to announce their desires during a  gathering
     held  at United Nations headquarters in New York, a  fitting
     host for such ideas. Peterson, therefore, is no newcomer  to
     the  campaign  for global government. He fits  well  as  the
     CFR's chairman of the board.

          Peterson  is open about his intention to have  the  CFR
     influence  the thinking of the nation. In his  "Letter  From
     the Chairman" in the CFR's 1995 Annual Report, he wrote: "We
     must  help spark and shape the debate about the new  foreign
     policy challenges and our country's global role...."  Peter-
     son's choice of words is key to understanding how he and his
     colleagues  achieve their goals. Especially  significant  is
     his  intention to have the CFR help shape the  debate.  Such
     shaping  effectively excludes everything that  would  impede
     advancement  toward  world government, and includes  only  a
     pre-determined selection of routes leading to that  destina-
     tion. For example, ending foreign aid is never discussed  in
     the CFR-defined debate - only who gets how much.  No discus-
     sion  about withdrawing from the UN is allowed,  but  merely
     how  far and at what speed the U.S. should surrender  sover-
     eignty to the world body. Instead of focusing the debate  on
     our regaining control of the economic life of this nation by
     renouncing NAFTA and GATT, the debate concentrates on entan-
     gling the U.S. in still more international economic unions.

          Should  one  dare to champion alternatives  other  than
     those  created or tolerated by the CFR's agenda-setters  and
     debate-shapers, he should be prepared for an all-out  attack
     - as Buchanan warned his supporters after his New  Hampshire
     victory.  The CFR will also occasionally take the  offensive
     by  attacking  a contrary view so as to insure that  such  a
     challenge is met before it catches on with too many.

          An  example  of  this  tactic  can  be  found  in   the
     July/August  1995 Foreign Affairs, which leads off  with  an
     essay by Arthur Schlesinger Jr. condemning "isolationism." A
     longtime  promoter of world government,  Schlesinger  spices
     his contempt for American sovereignty with this self-indict-
     ing comment: "It is to Joseph Stalin that Americans owe  the
     40-year suppression of the isolationist impulse." Isolation-
     ism  to  these people means hunkering down  and  building  a
     fence  around yourself - or, as CFR member Colin Powell  put
     it, "pull[ing] up the drawbridge."

          The Buchanan Challenge

          As  a columnist and commentator, Pat Buchanan has  been
     challenging  the Insiders for years. When  President  George
     Bush began his 1990 crusade for the "new world order" and  a
     "reinvigorated"  United  Nations by sending U.S.  troops  to
     oppose Saddam Hussein, Buchanan wrote:

          The  Trilateralist-CFR, Wall  Street-Big  Business
          elite:  the  neo-conservative  intellectuals   who
          dominate the think tanks and op-ed pages; the  Old
          Left, with its one-world, collective security,  UN
          uber  alles dream: All have come  together  behind
          the "new world order." Everyone is on board, or so
          it  seems. But out there, trying to break  through
          is the old authentic voice of American patriotism,
          of nationalism, of America First, saying hell, no,
          we won't go.

          In late 1991, as Buchanan formally entered the Republi-
     can race against Mr. Bush, he lamented that European nations
     were delivering their sovereignty to the European  Community
     (now the European Union). Recognizing that EC membership was
     a significant step toward world government, he offered:  "We
     Americans  must not let that happen here. We must not  trade
     in our sovereignty for a cushioned seat at the head table of
     anyone's new world order."

          All  during  the 1992 campaign, Buchanan  kept  up  his
     attacks on the Insiders. And then, as now, the Establishment
     sought  to  defuse his challenge by burying  him  beneath  a
     blizzard  of  buzz-words: anti-Semite,  bigot,  neo-fascist,
     extremist,  nativist, isolationist, and racist.  Who  issued
     them?  Most of the mud-throwers were  self-styled  conserva-
     tives who were themselves members of the Council on  Foreign
     Relations:  Paul  Gigot  of the Wall  Street  Journal;  A.M.
     Rosenthal  of  the  New York  Times;  "conservative  leader"
     William F. Buckley; columnist Charles Krauthammer;  publish-
     ers R. Emmett Tyrrell, Irving Kristol, and Norman Podhoretz;
     and  Newt Gingrich, who at the time was the  House  minority
     whip. The high point of Buchanan's 1992 run for the Republi-
     can  presidential nomination came when he won 37 percent  of
     the  vote in New Hampshire's primary. His good showing  only
     led enthusiasts for the new world order to aim more personal
     attacks his way.

          Targeting NAFTA, GATT

          Defeated in his first attempt in presidential politics,
     Buchanan went back to journalism, where he continued to peck
     away at the new world order and its architects. After  look-
     ing  over what he had accomplished in 1992  (which  included
     gaining  three  million  votes in 33  primaries),  he  began
     laying plans for another run for President.

          He  vigorously spoke out against having the  U.S.  join
     Canada  and Mexico in NAFTA, which was a carbon copy of  the
     European Community he had earlier warned against.  It is  an
     economic  union, which leads to a political union, which  in
     turn leads to world government. When the Insiders  prevailed
     and  Congress approved U.S. entry into NAFTA, he termed  the
     congressional sellout a "wrenching defeat for middle  Ameri-
     ca."  In his column for November 20, 1993,  Buchanan  listed
     some of those who collaborated to bring it about:

          The  Fortune  500  and the Big  Banks,  the  Trilateral
     Commission  and the Council on Foreign Relations, the  Demo-
     cratic leadership in both houses of Congress, and the Repub-
     lican leadership in both houses of Congress. The  Washington
     Post  and  Wall  Street Journal,  the  entire  Punditocracy,
     Heritage Foundation and Cato, Brookings and the AEI  [Ameri-
     can  Enterprise  Institute], the New  Republic  and  Empower
     America, all the former presidents, and secretaries of state
     and Nobel Prize winners in economics. All the King's  Horses
     and all the King's Men.

          While  the  internationalists had  won  this  important
     round, the message about the harm their victory would  bring
     the U.S. started reaching many more Americans. The  alterna-
     tive  media's  burgeoning  clout  -  including  conservative
     publications like THE NEW AMERICAN - continued to grow.

          In December 1993, a full year before Congress  approved
     the  Uruguay round of the General Agreement on  Tariffs  and
     Trade  (GATT), Buchanan supplied more perspective for  those
     who  care about America's independence. He  condemned  "GATT
     and  the  IMF, the U.N. and NAFTA, the World  Bank  and  the
     Earth  Summit, each a tiny strand to tie America  down  like
     Gulliver,  until  she awakens one day enmeshed  in  a  world
     government  from which there is no escape...." Buchanan  was
     aggressively  bucking  the agenda of the  Insiders,  letting
     Americans  know  that they didn't have to  stay  within  the
     boundaries  of  debate  shaped by the CFR  and  its  allies.
     Other  choices existed, options that would protect  national
     sovereignty and keep America strong.

          In  early 1995, as he geared up for his  1996  campaign
     for the Republican presidential nomination, Buchanan offered
     a  resounding  condemnation  of the  bipartisan  bailout  of
     Mexico.  In his final column before formally announcing  his
     candidacy,  he  blasted the Republican  leadership  in  both
     houses of Congress for going along with Bill Clinton, anoth-
     er CFR member, "on the $50 billion peso bailout of the  Wall
     Street cronies of [Treasury Secretary and CFR member] Robert
     Rubin." He said it was time to defend America's borders from
     the  invasion  of illegal aliens, roll back  federal  taxes,
     outlaw racial quotas, and return power to the states. And he
     pointed  out that his chief rivals for the  nomination,  in-
     cluding Senator Bob Dole, had fallen in line with the Estab-

          March to Respectability

          As  1996 began, so did Buchanan's march  to  heightened
     respectability with voters and to renewed defamation by  the
     "experts."  He won in Alaska, delivered a knockout  blow  to
     Phil  Gramm  in Louisiana, rose to top-tier  status  with  a
     strong finish in Iowa, and overcame an early 50  percentage-
     point  deficit  to defeat Bob Dole in  New  Hampshire.  Even
     before  his  February  20th triumph in  New  Hampshire,  the
     leading  lights of the Establishment media cranked up  their
     invective  machines  and exceeded what they  had  issued  in
     1992. On the eve of the primary, network news programs  gave
     generous  exposure to a Boston Globe columnist who  had  at-
     tacked  New Hampshire and its residents as eccentric,  back-
     wards, and extreme.

          A few days before New Hampshire, the Wall Street  Jour-
     nal carried David Brooks' assertion that "Pat Buchanan  does
     not  represent  modern conservatism."  More  important  than
     Brooks'  view, however, has been the widespread  reading  of
     Buchanan  out  of  the "conservative" camp  because  of  his
     attack  on America's corporate giants. He is  one  candidate
     who  claims that these men care little about  American  jobs
     going overseas - that they have pledged their allegiance  to
     the bottom line.

          The  day after New Hampshire, the Boston Globe's  David
     Nyhan  took  note of this criticism, writing,  "Buchanan  is
     about  to  be  repudiated by the barons of  the  party  he's
     served for decades. It won't be pretty." Indeed it wasn't.

          Right of "Center"

          Following  the New Hampshire primary, retiring  Senator
     William  Cohen (R-ME), a member of the CFR, told PBS  inter-
     viewer  Charlie  Rose that although Buchanan had  "struck  a
     chord" with the electorate, he should be shunned because  he
     would "govern our country, not from the center, but from the
     right...." The "center," of course, is defined by the Estab-
     lishment; it is home to those positions which are compatible
     with  the Insiders' objectives. Bob Dole, who has never  let
     principle intrude into his politics, could be considered the
     model of a "centrist": He has supported foreign aid, the UN-
     directed  Gulf War, the unconstitutional Brady  gun  control
     law, NAFTA, GATT, the unconstitutional deployment of  Ameri-
     can  fighting  men in Bosnia under  UN/NATO  direction,  and
     numerous other "centrist" measures.

          After  losing in New Hampshire, Dole declared:  "I  be-
     lieve  we have a responsibility throughout the  world.  I've
     tried  to  demonstrate cooperation with the  Presidents  [of
     both  parties] from time to time on what I considered to  be
     grave responsibilities, whether the Gulf crisis, or  Bosnia,
     or GATT, or whatever it might be." This was not an appeal to
     the  Republican electorate, a growing portion of which  des-
     pises all of these positions. Rather, it was a plea for help
     from Establishment Republicans.

          Buchanan has stated that he seeks to restore  constitu-
     tional  discipline to the federal government. However,  this
     is a task which cannot be accomplished through the executive
     branch alone. The surer way to save our country from the new
     world  order  is through the House of  Representatives.  All
     that Pat Buchanan wants, and more, can be accomplished if  a
     determined House majority will simply rely on the  Constitu-
     tion's Article I, Section 7: "All bills for raising  revenue
     shall  originate  in the House of Representatives."  If  218
     House  members  would stand fast and refuse to  originate  a
     measure  to fund the UN, NATO, the World Bank, foreign  aid,
     and  a host of federal agencies, America's ties to  the  new
     world order would soon be broken.

          Buchanan's early success is testimony to the fact  that
     the  American people are discovering that the ruling  Estab-
     lishment  has become the greatest threat to  their  nation's
     independence  and their freedom. Let no one  delude  himself
     that this cabal, which has had its way for so long, is about
     to  give Buchanan an open pass to the White  House.  Getting
     the nomination will be far more difficult than even he wants
     to  admit.  But the growing awareness  which  is  propelling
     Buchanan  did not begin with his efforts alone, nor will  it
     be stifled should his campaign fall short of its goal.

          Education Is the Key

          In  December 1958, Robert Welch created the John  Birch
     Society,  an organization of loyal and  concerned  Americans
     who  would take needed information directly to the  American
     people,  bypassing the Establishment media. Among  the  John
     Birch  Society's  most  effective tools  for  educating  the
     electorate have been the TRIM Bulletins, report cards  show-
     ing  the  voting performance of  individual  House  members.
     Millions  of these bulletins have been distributed  in  con-
     gressional districts throughout the country, helping to keep
     or find a fiscally sound and determinedly committed  consti-
     tutionalist.  The results of this educational campaign  were
     definitely felt in the 1994 House elections.

          The Birch Society is an alternative information  source
     which has had a profound effect on the thinking of millions.
     Many of the themes sounded by Buchanan - such as the  threat
     of  a  UN-dominated "new world order," the  dangers  of  the
     sovereignty-compromising  GATT  and NAFTA accords,  and  the
     betrayal  of  the U.S.  military to UN control -  have  been
     highlighted in Birch educational efforts for years.  We must
     also  credit  the efforts of other  principled  conservative
     groups - pro-life organizations, gun rights groups, property
     rights  activists, and constitutionalists - as well  as  the
     contributions  made  by alternative media such as  fax  net-
     works, the Internet, radio talk shows, and newsletters.

          As  more and more Americans have come to  realize  that
     there  indeed  are choices other than NBC,  ABC,  CBS,  CNN,
     Time,  Newsweek,  the New York Times, etc. to  turn  to  for
     facts and perspective, their reliance on the  Establishment-
     controlled media has faded, and they have become less  cont-
     ent to accept one or another of the Insiders' false alterna-
     tives.  As  a result, the Establishment's  hold  on  America
     steadily crumbles.

          Without accepting every view put forth by Pat Buchanan,
     concerned  Americans  can delight in the shock waves  he  is
     delivering to Establishment Insiders. He is both riding  the
     crest  of a wave and building its strength. The  battle  for
     America is far from lost.  From coast to coast, good  Ameri-
     cans have just begun to fight.

     )  Copyright 2001 American Opinion Publishing  Incorporated

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