[Rushtalk] 'Know Thine Enemy'

John A. Quayle blueoval57 at verizon.net
Fri Aug 23 19:38:59 MDT 2013

>Know Thine Enemy
>Major Hasan is honest about himself; why aren’t we?
>By Mark Steyn
>Major Nidal Malkin Hasan
>On December 7, 1941, the U.S. naval base at 
>Pearl Harbor was attacked. Three years, eight 
>months, and eight days later, the Japanese 
>surrendered. These days, America’s military 
>moves at a more leisurely pace. On November 5, 
>2009, another U.S. base, Fort Hood, was attacked 
>— by one man standing on a table, screaming 
>“Allahu akbar!” and opening fire. Three years, 
>nine months, and one day later, his court-martial finally got under way.
>The intervening third-of-a-decade-and-more has 
>apparently been taken up by such vital legal 
>questions as the fullness of beard Major Hasan 
>is permitted to sport in court. This is not a 
>joke: See “Judge Ousted in Fort Hood Shooting 
>Case amid Beard Debacle” (CBS News). Army 
>regulations require soldiers to be clean-shaven. 
>The judge, Colonel Gregory Gross, ruled Hasan’s 
>beard in contempt, fined him $1,000, and said he 
>would be forcibly shaved if he showed up that 
>hirsute next time. At which point Hasan went to 
>the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces, 
>which ruled that Colonel Gross’s pogonophobia 
>raised questions about his impartiality, and 
>removed him. He’s the first judge in the history 
>of American jurisprudence to be kicked off a 
>trial because of a “beard debacle.” The new 
>judge, Colonel Tara Osborn, agreed that Hasan’s 
>beard was a violation of regulations, but “said she won’t hold it against him.”
>The U.S. Army seems disinclined to hold anything 
>against him, especially the 13 corpses plus an 
>unborn baby. Major Hasan fired his lawyers, 
>presumably because they were trying to get him 
>off — on the grounds that he’d had a Twinkie 
>beforehand, or his beard don’t fit so you must 
>acquit, or some such. As a self-respecting 
>jihadist, Major Hasan quite reasonably resented 
>being portrayed as just another all-American 
>loon gone postal. So he sacked his defense team, 
>only to have the court appoint a standby defense 
>team just in case there were any arcane 
>precedents and obscure case law he needed 
>clarification on. I know that’s the way your 
>big-time F. Lee Bailey types would play it, but 
>it doesn’t seem to be Major Hasan’s style. On 
>the very first day of the trial, he stood up and 
>told the jury that “the evidence will clearly 
>show that I am the shooter.” Later, in one of 
>his few courtroom interventions, he insisted 
>that it be put on the record that “the alleged 
>murder weapon” was, in fact, his. The trial then 
>came to a halt when the standby defense team 
>objected to the judge that Major Hasan’s defense 
>strategy (yes, I did it; gimme a blindfold, 
>cigarette, and tell the virgins here I come) 
>would result in his conviction and execution.
>Major Hasan is a Virginia-born army psychiatrist 
>and a recipient of the Pentagon’s Global War on 
>Terrorism Service Medal, which seems fair 
>enough, since he certainly served in it, albeit 
>for the other side. Most Americans think he’s 
>nuts. He thinks Americans are nuts. It’s a 
>closer call than you’d think. In the immediate 
>aftermath of his attack, the U.S. media, 
>following their iron-clad rule that “Allahu 
>akbar” is Arabic for “Nothing to see here,” did 
>their best to pass off Major Hasan as the first 
>known victim of pre-Post-Traumatic Stress 
>Disorder. “It comes at a time when the stress of 
>combat has affected so many soldiers,” fretted 
>Andrew Bast in a report the now defunct Newsweek 
>headlined, “A Symptom of a Military on the Brink.”
>Major Hasan has never been in combat. He is not, 
>in fact, a soldier. He is a shrink. The soldiers 
>in this story are the victims, some 45 of them. 
>And the only reason a doctor can gun down nearly 
>four dozen trained warriors (he was eventually 
>interrupted by a civilian police officer, 
>Sergeant Kimberly Munley, with a 9mm Beretta) is 
>that soldiers on base are forbidden from 
>carrying weapons. That’s to say, under a 1993 
>directive a U.S. military base is effectively a 
>gun-free zone, just like a Connecticut grade 
>school. That’s a useful tip: If you’re mentally 
>ill and looking to shoot up a movie theater at 
>the next Batman premiere, try the local barracks 
>— there’s less chance of anyone firing back.
>Maybe this Clinton-era directive merits 
>reconsideration in the wake of Fort Hood? Don’t 
>be ridiculous. Instead, nine months after Major 
>Hasan’s killing spree, the Department of Defense 
>put into place “a series of procedural and 
>policy changes that focus on identifying, 
>responding to, and preventing potential workplace violence.”
>Major Hasan says he’s a soldier for the Taliban. 
>Maybe if the Pentagon were to reclassify the 
>entire Afghan theater as an unusually prolonged 
>outburst of “workplace violence,” we wouldn’t 
>have to worry about obsolescent concepts such as 
>“victory” and “defeat.” The important thing is 
>that the U.S. Army’s “workplace violence” is 
>diverse. After Major Hasan’s pre-post-traumatic 
>workplace wobbly, General George W. Casey Jr., 
>the Army’s chief of staff, was at pains to 
>assure us that it could have been a whole lot 
>worse: “What happened at Fort Hood was a 
>tragedy, but I believe it would be an even 
>greater tragedy if our diversity becomes a 
>casualty.” And you can’t get much more diverse 
>than letting your military personnel pick which 
>side of the war they want to be on.
>Like I said, we think he’s nuts; he thinks we’re 
>nuts. Right now, there’s a 
>on the Internet seeking to persuade the United 
>States government to reclassify Hasan’s 
>“workplace violence” as an act of terror. There 
>are practical consequences to this: The victims, 
>shot by an avowed enemy combatant in an act of 
>war, are currently ineligible for Purple Hearts. 
>The Pentagon insists the dead and wounded must 
>be dishonored in death because to give them any 
>awards for their sacrifice would prejudice Major 
>Hasan’s trial and make it less likely that he could be convicted.
>Hence, the Internet petition. Linking to it from 
>their homepage, my colleagues at NATIONAL REVIEW 
>ONLINE promoted it with the tag: “Thirteen 
>people lost their lives with dozens of others 
>wounded. And now the man responsible wants to claim it was workplace violence.”
>That’s not true — and actually it’s grossly 
>unfair to Major Hasan. He’s admirably upfront 
>about who and what he is — a “Soldier of Allah,” 
>as he put on his business card. On Tuesday, he 
>admitted he was a traitor who had crossed over 
>from “the bad side” (America’s) to “the good 
>side” (Islam’s). He has renounced his U.S. 
>citizenship and its effete protections such as 
>workplace-violence disability leave. He 
>professes loyalty to America’s enemies. He says, 
>“I am the shooter.” He helpfully informs us that 
>that’s his gun. In this week’s one-minute 
>statement, he spoke more honestly and made more 
>sense than Obama, Gates, Casey, the Armed Forces 
>Court of Appeals, two judges, the prosecution 
>and defense lawyers, and mountains of 
>bureaucratic reports and media coverage put together.
>But poor old Hasan can say “Yup, I did it” all he wants; what does he know?
>Unlike the Zimmerman trial, Major Hasan’s has 
>not excited the attention of the media. Yet it 
>is far more symbolic of the state of America 
>than the Trayvon Martin case, in which 
>superannuated race hucksters attempted to impose 
>a half-century-old moth-eaten Klan hood on a guy 
>who’s a virtual one-man melting pot. The 
>response to Nidal Hasan helps explain why, in 
>Afghanistan and elsewhere, this war is being 
>lost — because it cannot be won because, 
>increasingly, it cannot even be acknowledged. 
>Which helps explain why it now takes the U.S. 
>military longer to prosecute a case of 
>“workplace violence” than it did to win World War Two.
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