[Rushtalk] The Origins of the GOP

Carl Spitzer lynux at keepandbeararms.com
Sun Mar 13 11:37:45 MDT 2016

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                                           The Origins of the GOP
                                           by Thomas J. DiLorenzo
                                          by Thomas J. DiLorenzo 
      Some very silly books have been written about the history of the
  Republican Party (and the Democrat Party). They tend to read like The
       Story of Moses, with Christ-like figures overcoming tremendous
  roadblocks to achieve greatness and sanctify not only themselves, but
    the entire nation. They are usually written by political hacks and
         funded rather surreptitiously by various business and other
special-interest groups that are associated with the Party. Such books,
   of course, are pure baloney: "GOP" should really stand for "Gang Of
                                       The Party of Plunder
As soon as the newly-created GOP gained enough power in the late 1850s,
 the first thing it did was to get the U.S. House of Representatives to
pass the protectionist Morrill Tariff during the 1859—60 session, before
Lincoln's election and before any southern state had seceded. The Party
   then vigorously defended southern slavery. Two days before Lincoln's
inauguration, after the seven states of the lower South had seceded and
taken their fourteen senators with them, the Republican-controlled U.S.
  Senate passed a constitutional amendment (that had already passed the
     House) that would have forbidden the federal government from ever
interfering with southern slavery. Two days later, Lincoln would pledge
his support for this amendment in his first inaugural address, saying he
     preferred that the defense of slavery in the Constitution be made
    "express and irrevocable." He also promised in that same address a
 federal invasion of any state that failed to collect the newly-doubled
                                        U.S. tariff rate. 
   The GOP opposed the extension of slavery to the new territories, not
southern slavery, and it did so for the basest of reasons. Reason number
      one was the desire to keep all blacks — slave or free — from the
territories, which the Party wanted to be an all-white preserve. To the
  GOP "free soil" meant soil that was free of black people, not freedom
      per se. That's why states like Illinois, "Land of Lincoln," had
   previously amended their constitutions to make it illegal for black
 people to move into them. The few blacks who did reside in these areas
    had virtually no citizenship rights and were grossly discriminated
                         against in all aspects of their lives.
    The second reason for opposing the extension of slavery to the new
territories was to limit congressional representation of the Democratic
Party, which would have been increased due to the Three-Fifths Clause of
the U.S. Constitution, which allowed for every five slaves to be counted
as three persons for purposes of determining the number of congressional
   representatives in each state. Thus, pork-barrel politics and white
 supremacy were the reasons the "Grand Old Party" gave for opposing the
                               extension of slavery in 1860. 
As for politics, the purpose of the GOP's quest for political domination
was so that it could finally adopt the old mercantilist economic agenda
of the Whigs, who were mostly transformed into Republicans when the Whig
   Party fell apart in the early 1850s. Once the south seceded, and the
Southern Democrats left Congress, the GOP immediately pushed through the
                                entire Whig economic agenda. 
                                       Lincoln's "New Deal"
     Incapable of ever doing anything but praising the early GOP, most
 contemporary historians, who are largely ignorant of economics, praise
  this "achievement" to the treetops. A good example of this appears in
    the October 2004 issue of The Smithsonian magazine, in an essay by
Lincoln biographer David Donald entitled "1860: The Road Not Taken." The
 essay is part of a "what if" symposium that poses the question of what
 America would look like had the outcomes of the presidential elections
                    of 1860, 1912, 1932, and 1980 been different.
 Donald zeroes in on the Lincoln administration's "social legislation."
   Had Lincoln not been elected, the Pulitzer Prize-winning biographer
                writes, a sizeable Democratic minority in Congress
        Would have blocked the important economic and social legislation
           enacted by the Republicans during the Civil War. Thus, there
          would likely have been no high tariff laws that protected the
        iron industry, so essential in postwar economic development, no
        Homestead Act giving 160 acres to settlers willing to occupy and
        till land out West, no transcontinental railroad legislation, no
          land-grant colleges, no national currency or national banking
        system, no Department of Agriculture to offer expert guidance on
        better seeds and improved tillage. Without such legislation, the
        economic takeoff that made the United States a major industrial
        power by the end of the century would have been prevented . . .
   Like most Lincoln scholars who comment on economic issues, Donald is
mostly ignorant of the subject he is speaking of. Protectionist tariffs
 made the U.S. steel industry lazy and inefficient by isolating it from
    the rigors of international competition. Consequently, it became a
perpetual whiner and complainer about the "unfairness" of competition —
  the spoiled brat of the American economy. For decades, it has lobbied
   for protectionism that has plundered the American consumer, made the
industry even lazier and more inefficient, allowing it to pander to its
unions and their grossly inefficient featherbedding rules, and generally
made it far less competitive that it would have been under a free trade
  regime. Despite a century of "protection," the steel industry has all
     but disappeared from my home state of Pennsylvania, for example. 
   Furthermore, the higher steel prices caused by protectionist tariffs
    have always been harmful to American steel-using industries, which
         includes virtually all of American manufacturing. Thus, GOP
 protectionism was a serious drag on American industrial success during
 the late nineteenth century, contrary to Donald's assertions. American
industry grew despite these foolish and counterproductive policies, not
                                         because of them. 
   Late nineteenth-century tariff protection was especially harmful to
American agriculture. American farmers have always sold a large portion
  of their output on foreign markets. Tariffs that reduce the volume of
international trade end up reducing the amount of money that our foreign
trading partners have with which to purchase American goods, especially
American agricultural output. That's why the farmers of the Midwest were
vociferous proponents of free trade during the late nineteenth century.
      GOP protectionism did far more harm to American farmers than any
      conceivable good that David Donald's beloved U.S. Department of
  Agriculture bureaucracy could ever have done. Not to mention the fact
 that our trading partners often retaliated with protectionist policies
        of their own that blocked the sale of American goods in their
As for the Homestead Act, the majority of the land given away under the
 Act, as historian Ludwell Johnson has shown, went to timber and mining
companies, most assuredly in return for political campaign contributions
 from those same companies. And the giving away of the land, as opposed
 to selling it, was a political impetus to keep tariff rates high — and
    economically destructive — during this pre-income tax era when the
               majority of federal revenues came from the tariff. 
 The government-subsidized transcontinental railroads were arguably the
      worst examples in all of American history of the corruption and
  inefficiency that is always associated with government "public works"
     projects (See Burton Folsom, The Myth of the Robber Barons). They
resulted in the Credit Mobilier scandal of the Grant administration, and
  fueled the arguments of the "progressive movement" to have government
regulate and control American business. By contrast, James J. Hill built
   his highly successful transcontinental railroad, the Great Northern,
                         without a dime of government subsidy. 
   Land-grant colleges opened the door to the politicization of higher
 education that plagues virtually every American college and university
today, and is the inevitable result of the politicization of education.
   The Department of Agriculture was never necessary to educate farmers
about the latest seeds; the free market can handle such tasks much more
   efficiently. Instead, the Department of Agriculture has always been,
 first and foremost, an enforcer of the agricultural cartel operated by
     federal politicians on behalf of a very important political bloc,
farmers. It is the U.S.D.A. that paid farmers for not raising crops and
 livestock during the Great Depression, when thousands were starving or
   suffering from malnutrition. Its programs of paying farmers for not
  farming have always been simply special-interest politics designed to
allow federal politicians to buy votes (with taxpayers' money) from farm
communities by plundering American consumers with the higher food prices
                            that are caused by these policies.
   The Lincoln administration's banking legislation, which Donald also
            praises, was a precursor to the inflationary-spiral and
 depression-generating policies of the Fed. They replaced what economic
historian Jeffrey Hummel described as the most stable banking system in
American history, the so-called free-banking system that existed in the
     two decades prior to the war, and opened the door to a tremendous
centralization of governmental power. That of course is exactly what the
      Republican Party, comprised of the political descendants of the
                      Federalists and the Whigs, always wanted. 
As economists Mark Thornton and Robert Ekelund, Jr., note in their book,
  Tariffs, Blockades, and Inflation: The Economics of the Civil War (p.
         The flurry of new laws, regulations, and bureaucracies created
        by President Lincoln and the Republican Party is reminiscent of
           Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal in the 1930s, for the volume,
           scope, and questionable constitutionality of its legislative
          output. . . . [I]t should not be too surprising to learn that
            the term "New Deal" was actually coined in March 1865 by a
           newspaper editor in Raleigh to characterize Lincoln and the
           Republicans and persuade North Carolina voters to rejoin the
        Union. The massive expansion of the federal government into the
         economy led [historian] Daniel Elazar to claim that "one could
           easily call Lincoln's presidency the New Deal of the 1860s."
   The historian Daniel Elazar who is cited by Thornton and Ekelund put
    together the following table to characterize "Lincoln's New Deal":
                                        Lincoln's New Deal
                                      * Morrill Tariff (1861)
                                    * First Income Tax (1861)
                               * Expanded Postal Service (1861)
                                       * Homestead Act (1862)
                          * Morrill Land-Grant College Act (1862)
                              * Department of Agriculture (1862)
                        * Bureau of Printing and Engraving (1862)
               * Transcontinental Railroad Grants (1862, 1863, 1864)
                   * National Banking Acts (1863, 1864, 1865, 1866)
                            * Comptroller of the Currency (1863)
                           * National Academy of Sciences (1863)
                             * "Free" Urban Mail Delivery (1863)
                       * Yosemite Nature Reserve Land Grant (1864)
                                   * Contract Labor Act (1864)
                                 * Office of Immigration (1864)
                                 * Railway Mail Service (1864)
                                  * Money Order System (1864) 
        Source: Daniel Elazar, "Comment," in D. Gilchrest and W. Lewis,
           eds. Economic Change in the Civil War Era (1965), pp. 98—99.
      More importantly than this legislation, the GOP orchestrated the
   abolition of the voluntary union of the founding fathers and in its
   place put a non-voluntary, consolidated empire, waging total war on
  fellow citizens for four long years in order to succeed. Their stated
motives were never to abolish southern slavery, as mentioned above, but
they skillfully used the slaves as pawns in their imperialistic scheme,
  causing the U.S. to become the only nation on earth in the nineteenth
century to associate the violence of war with the abolition of slavery.
      The GOP continued to use the ex-slaves as political pawns during
   "Reconstruction," a twelve-year plundering expedition throughout the
South. When the military occupation ended in 1877, the hapless ex-slaves
were then left to fend for themselves against a vengeful population. The
Gang of Plunderers did nothing to help them, for Reconstruction was over
                 and they voted overwhelmingly Republican anyway. 
   Having declared that it possessed "a treasury of virtue" for having
"saved the union" and freed the slaves, the GOP then enjoyed a monopoly
  of political power for decades. Such "virtue" was immediately used to
wage a campaign of ethnic genocide against the Plains Indians — to make
way for the government-subsidized railroads, announced General Sherman,
who was the commanding general of the campaign for many years. The South
 — and the rest of the country as well — was plundered by protectionist
  tariffs for the next fifty years by the "virtuous" GOP, primarily for
               the benefit of the Party's big-business supporters. 
  To this day politicians — especially Republican Politicians — use the
fake history of the origins of the GOP as the Party of Saints during the
  Lincoln era to "justify" any and all manner of interventions, from an
expanded welfare state, to the nationalization of the education system,
to the current regime's attempt at imperialistic conquest in the Middle
          East. But in reality it's the same old Gang of Plunderers.
                                                        November 3, 2004
  Thomas J. DiLorenzo  is the author of The Real Lincoln: A New Look at
    Abraham Lincoln, His Agenda, and an Unnecessary War, (Three Rivers
  Press/Random House). His latest book is How Capitalism Saved America:
   The Untold Story of Our Country's History, from the Pilgrims to the
                  Present (Crown Forum/Random House, August 2004).
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